– Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. Foreign Minister, you have a number of titles. Thank you for being with us today.
– My pleasure.
– You’re here in part to celebrate 250 years of diplomatic relations between the United States and Poland. How would you describe that relationship today? Is it as strong as ever?
– Our relationship has very deep roots — from Kosciuszko at West Point to President Wilson’s support and later Reagan and John Paul II. We’re good allies: Poland joined NATO, we fought alongside the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan, and we now have a growing economic relationship — building an American nuclear plant, buying U.S. military equipment, investing together. I hope it keeps growing stronger.
– A number of European allies reacted strongly after tensions spiked over Greenland and U.S. suggestions about acquiring territory. Did that shift the relationship?
– Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, especially among allies, is foundational. Whether such comments are past or persistent, we watch them. Allies must respect each other.
– Did those Greenland tensions affect U.S. credibility on security guarantees relative to Russia and Ukraine?
– For Poland, Russian aggression against Ukraine is existential. Russia has a long history of threatening Poland. We believe Russian threats and judge actions by outcomes. Putin’s demands are often unrealistic; European colonial-style claims should be rejected. Pressure should be focused on the aggressor, not the victim.
– President Trump appealed to Putin to stop bombarding cities like Kyiv; Russia didn’t. What does that say about U.S. leverage?
– Deliberately targeting civilian infrastructure is a war crime. Putin is already accused of serious crimes. He cannot be trusted. Russia’s attacks on utilities make housing uninhabitable; this is classic colonial violence. Ending this war requires pressure on Putin, depriving him of resources.
– How will Europe and the U.S. force Putin to recalculate costs?
– By depriving him of resources: tougher sanctions on the fleet, refineries, banks, and those who breach sanctions. Restrict the funds that pay soldiers and fuel the war machine. Europe has shouldered much of the burden financially; we’ve extended support and hope U.S. diplomatic efforts succeed too.
– The New START treaty is on the cusp of expiring. Are we entering unconstrained nuclear competition?
– Confidence-building measures are useful. Much of Europe’s security architecture has been dismantled by Russia — by developing prohibited missiles and invading neighbors. Treaties aren’t made between friends but adversaries. Poland is not a nuclear state; we rely on U.S. guarantees and want denser monitoring and confidence-building measures in Europe, though that’s difficult while one country claims the right to change borders by force.
– Poland has publicly discussed hosting nuclear weapons and seeking a French umbrella. Where are those talks?
– Those are best discussed in private. Threats or implications of nuclear use — which Russia has made — are outrageous. NATO remains a nuclear alliance; these questions belong in the nuclear planning group.
– Your prime minister said Poland would investigate whether Jeffrey Epstein had connections to Russian intelligence. What leads you to suspect that?
– There have been reports — in the British press and elsewhere — of Epstein seeking children in many places. If Polish citizens were affected, we must investigate. The prime minister suggested Russian intelligence might possess compromising material; honey traps are classic KGB tactics and deserve investigation.
– Has Poland asked the U.S. to share resources or information on that?
– It’s early; our Foreign Ministry will assist the Justice Ministry, which leads the investigation. Cooperation with partners is likely.
– Tomorrow trilateral talks among the U.S., Russia and Ukraine continue. What are your expectations?
– Prisoner releases are positive. Colonial wars often last decades; they end when the aggressor concludes conquest is too costly. We hope we create incentives for Putin to recalculate.
– Mark Rutte warned Europe to be prepared to fight a large-scale war. Do you see a similar threat?
– Russia has invaded Poland many times in history; the threat is conceivable. Poland spends the highest proportion of GDP on defense in NATO. We are major buyers of U.S. equipment — Apache helicopters, Abrams tanks, F-35s, HIMARS, F-16s. If we fulfill our NATO commitments and double defense spending further, Europe can field armies Putin will respect.
– You recently called for a “European Legion.” Critics say it might undermine NATO and transatlantic ties. Your response?
– NATO is for deterring major aggression, but Europe needs forces for lower-order emergencies: migration control, crises across the Mediterranean, operations in Africa. The EU already has military operations, like against pirates. Regularizing a European force for such tasks would reduce dependency on the U.S., not disincentivize its support.
– How is Poland involved in Arctic security?
– Poland has been active in the Arctic for decades, including a station on Spitsbergen. We want to preserve the ecosystem and ensure the Arctic does not become a threat to Western security. Russia’s war harms its interests in the Arctic, e.g., by undermining potential benefits from new northern routes.
– How do you see threats from Russia and China in the Arctic and Greenland?
– Russia chooses aggression over cooperation and is therefore undermining its potential Arctic gains. We should aim to stabilize the Arctic as a region of peaceful collaboration.
– What are you pressing for during this visit to the U.S.?
– Critical minerals and economic resilience are priorities. Secretary Rubio convened a conference; U.S. leadership in assembling partners to secure supply chains is an example we should build on together.
– Final question: how do you describe U.S.-Polish relations today?
– Deep roots and good partnership: security cooperation in NATO, joint efforts in Ukraine support, growing economic ties like nuclear energy and defense procurement. I hope the relationship grows even stronger.
– Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. Foreign Minister, thank you so much.
– Thank you.
