Interview with Poland’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski
Q: You hold several offices. Thank you for joining us. How would you describe 250 years of U.S.-Poland diplomatic ties today? Are they as strong as ever?
A: Our relationship rests on deep historical bonds — from Kosciuszko at West Point to support from Wilson, Reagan and John Paul II. We are committed allies: Poland joined NATO, fought alongside the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan, and we’re expanding economic cooperation — from U.S.-built nuclear projects to American defense purchases and joint investment. I expect the partnership to deepen.
Q: Did the row over Greenland and talk of buying territory change that partnership?
A: Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity is fundamental among allies. Flippant or persistent remarks that ignore that principle are worrying. Allies must treat each other with respect.
Q: Did those tensions undercut U.S. credibility on security guarantees, especially regarding Russia and Ukraine?
A: For Poland, Russian aggression against Ukraine is existential. Russia has repeatedly threatened Poland. We focus on results, not rhetoric. Putin often makes unrealistic demands; any colonial-style claims on territory are unacceptable. Pressure should be applied to the aggressor, not the victim.
Q: President Trump appealed to Putin to stop attacks on cities like Kyiv, but those appeals didn’t work. What does that say about U.S. leverage?
A: Intentionally striking civilian infrastructure is a war crime. Putin is already accused of serious violations and cannot be trusted to honor appeals alone. Russia’s attacks on utilities and housing are classic tactics of coercion. Ending the war requires denying him the resources to continue.
Q: How should Europe and the U.S. make Putin recalculate the costs of aggression?
A: By cutting off the resources that fund the war: tougher, better-enforced sanctions on Russia’s fleet, refineries, banks, and on those who evade restrictions. Restrict funds that pay soldiers and fuel the war machine. Europe has borne much of the financial burden; we have extended support and expect U.S. diplomacy and sanctions to intensify as well.
Q: With New START nearing expiry, are we headed into unconstrained nuclear competition?
A: Confidence-building measures are important. Much of the European security architecture has been eroded by Russia — through prohibited missile development and territorial aggression. Arms-control treaties are often negotiated with adversaries, not friends. Poland is not a nuclear power; we rely on U.S. guarantees and want stronger verification and confidence-building in Europe, though that’s challenging while a state claims the right to change borders by force.
Q: Poland has discussed hosting nuclear weapons or seeking a French deterrent. Where do those talks stand?
A: Those discussions are best handled privately. Threats or suggestions of nuclear use — which Russia has sometimes implied — are outrageous. NATO remains the nuclear alliance; these issues belong in the NATO nuclear planning forums.
Q: Your prime minister mentioned investigating whether Jeffrey Epstein had ties to Russian intelligence. What motivates that inquiry?
A: Press reports have linked Epstein to operations in many countries. If Polish citizens were affected, we must investigate. The possibility that intelligence services used compromising material — classic honey-trap tactics — merits examination.
Q: Has Poland asked the U.S. to share information on the matter?
A: It’s early. Our Foreign Ministry will support the Justice Ministry’s probe. Cooperation with partners, including the U.S., is likely as the investigation proceeds.
Q: Trilateral talks among the U.S., Russia and Ukraine continue. What do you expect from them?
A: Prisoner releases are a positive step. Colonial-style wars can last for decades; they end when the aggressor realizes conquest is too costly. We hope negotiations and pressure create incentives for Putin to recalibrate.
Q: Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte warned Europe to prepare to fight a large-scale war. Do you see that threat for Poland?
A: Russia has invaded Polish territory repeatedly in history; such a threat is conceivable. Poland already spends the highest share of GDP on defense in NATO. We are major purchasers of U.S. systems — Apache helicopters, Abrams tanks, F-35s, HIMARS, F-16s — and we intend to meet and exceed NATO commitments so European forces will be credible deterrents.
Q: You proposed a “European Legion.” Critics say it could weaken NATO and transatlantic ties. Your response?
A: NATO is the proper instrument to deter large-scale aggression. But Europe needs readily available forces for lower-intensity emergencies — migration management, crises in the Mediterranean, African operations. The EU already runs operations like anti-piracy missions. A regularized European capability for such tasks would reduce dependence on the U.S. for routine contingencies, not undermine Atlantic solidarity.
Q: How is Poland engaged in Arctic security?
A: Poland has been active in the Arctic for decades, including a research presence on Spitsbergen. We want to protect the ecosystem and ensure the Arctic remains a domain of peaceful cooperation, not a zone of strategic threat.
Q: How do you view Russian and Chinese behavior in the Arctic and areas like Greenland?
A: Russia’s choice of aggression over cooperation undermines its own Arctic prospects, including economic opportunities from northern sea routes. Stability and cooperation should be the objective for the region.
Q: What are your priorities during this U.S. visit?
A: Securing critical minerals and strengthening economic resilience are key. Efforts to assemble partners and secure supply chains, like the conference convened by Secretary Rubio, are models for further cooperation.
Q: In one line, how would you describe U.S.-Polish relations today?
A: Deeply rooted and growing: strong NATO security cooperation, joint support for Ukraine, and expanding economic ties in energy and defense. I expect the partnership to get stronger.
Thank you, Mr. Deputy Prime Minister.
A: Thank you.